History Unplugged Podcast

On March 13, 1930, Adolf Hitler was sitting in the passenger seat of his chauffeur-driven car when a trailer truck sped through an intersection and struck the vehicle, pushing it across the road and stopping just short of crushing it. Everyone survived. Three years later, Hitler became chancellor of Germany. Would tens of millions of people still have died if the truck had killed him? To many people, the answer is obviously yes, because Hitler was uniquely evil. To many others, the answer is obviously no, because the Treaty of Versailles and hyperinflation had already created the conditions for catastrophe. Jared Diamond spent decades trying to figure out who is right, and his answer is: it depends on the circumstances, and we can actually test it.
Today's guest is Jared Diamond, author of Guns, Germs, and Steel and now Profits, Prophets, Coaches, and Kings: (When) Do Leaders Matter? We discuss how the inbreeding of European royal families created a natural experiment proving that monarchs' intelligence directly affected national outcomes, why Botswana's founding president is the clearest modern example of an irreplaceable leader because only he could have given away his own tribe's diamond rights without starting a civil war, and why Genghis Khan's conquests depended on rainfall patterns revealed by tree rings. We also see that Jeff Bezos, Bill Gates, and Steve Jobs all made a difference but none of them passes what he calls the Hamlet test. Diamond's framework applies across politics, business, sports, and religion, and his conclusion is that leaders matter most when three conditions align: high discretion, genuine choices between balanced alternatives, and no one else who could have made the same decisions.
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Washington’s most extraordinary achievement was not winning the Revolutionary War or helping found a new nation. It was something far rarer: He gave up power, twice. First, when he resigned his command after victory. Then again, when he stepped down as president, establishing a precedent no law required and no force could compel. In an age dominated by kings and emperors, Washington chose restraint, and in doing so, he helped define the American experiment.
There’s really no comparison to what Washington did, except for Byzantine General Belisarius and Roman general Cincinnatus. After being granted absolute dictatorial authority to rescue an encircled Roman army, Cincinnatus held it for only 15 days, and immediately resigned his office to return to his small farm across the Tiber. Belisarius was offered the Western Roman imperial crown by the Ostrogoths in 540 but claimed the city for Emperor Justinian, and surrendered command to return home. Washington’s renunciation was harder because, unlike Cincinnatus and Belisarius, he had no emperor above him or proven institutional framework to enforce his departure, instead walking away twice when his own unpaid, loyal army actively urged him to seize supreme power over a fragile, untested nation.
Today’s guest is Richard Lim, author of “Refusing a Crown: How George Washington Changed the World.” We place Washington’s decisions within the sweeping Western shift from monarchy to republic, showing why that transition was anything but inevitable. After all, From Napoleon to Simón Bolívar, revolutionary leaders across the world found themselves compared unfavorably to the American who walked away from power. We see why Washington walking away from power was the most important moment in early American History.
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At 1:15 p.m. on April 12, 1945, Franklin Roosevelt was sitting for a portrait at his cottage in Warm Springs, Georgia, when his face suddenly fell forward. He raised his left hand to his temple and whispered to his cousin Daisy: "I have a terrific pain in the back of my head." He was dead by 3:35. That evening, Harry Truman, a former farmer and failed haberdasher who had been vice president for eighty-two days and had met with Roosevelt only twice, placed his hand on a Bible and became the thirty-third president of the United States. He had never been briefed on the atomic bomb. Thirteen days later, War Secretary Henry Stimson handed him a three-page memo that began: "Within four months we shall in all probability have completed the most terrible weapon ever known in human history, one bomb of which could destroy a whole city."
Today's guest is James M. Scott, author of Empire of Ashes: Truman, Hirohito, and the Descent into Total War. We discuss how a Hungarian physicist who did his thinking in the bathtub tracked down Einstein by asking a boy on a Long Island street corner to launch the Manhattan Project, why Oak Ridge, Tennessee, became a secret city of 75,000 people who had no idea what they were building, and how the firebombing of Tokyo killed 105,000 people in a single night months before the atomic bombs fell. We look at why Groves wanted to destroy Kyoto for its two thousand temples and Stimson stopped him because he had honeymooned there, how Japan's military leaders refused to surrender even after two atomic bombs and forced an unprecedented intervention by an emperor who had spent the war collecting marine specimens in a palace while his cities burned, and why a group of young officers assassinated the commander of the Imperial Guards and seized the palace on the eve of surrender in a coup that came within hours of succeeding. Scott argues that the historical record supports Truman's decision but lets the last word belong to the survivors, and to a war minister who committed seppuku wearing the white shirt the emperor had personally given him, with a photograph of his dead son folded on top of his dress uniform.
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George S. Patton is considered one of America’s greatest generals for his blitzes across Europe in World War 2. He is celebrated for breaking out of Normandy because his Third Army push out of their holdings along the coast, unleashing a lightning-fast armored blitz across northern France that routed retreating German forces and liberated Paris months ahead of schedule. And following the Third Army’s dramatic relief of Bastogne during the Battle of the Bulge, the American press and public widely lionized Patton as a national hero who spearheaded the drive into Germany. When he returned stateside in June 1945, he received massive ticker-tape parades and hero’s welcomes in Boston, Los Angeles, and Denver, drawing crowds of hundreds of thousands. Officially, the military affirmed his heroism by awarding him two Distinguished Service Crosses—the nation’s second-highest valor award, explicitly citing his "extraordinary heroism" under enemy fire in both world wars. He was immortalized in the George C. Scott movie ‘Patton’, and has persistently been named in polls as the greatest American military commander of all time.
But that’s not how some of his fellow generals saw it. In 1947, Omar Bradley, who had commanded all American ground forces in Europe, wrote a single sentence that should have ended the most persistent myth of the war: "Many people give Patton and his Third Army credit for the breakout from Normandy. He had nothing to do with its planning or execution." Patton arrived after the hole had been punched and drove through open country against almost no opposition. First Army veterans had a phrase for it: "He did not break out. He walked out."
Today's guest is James Ellman, author of Patton Reconsidered: General George S. Patton Jr. as a Wartime Commander. We look at the mythology of Patton and see there’s an argument to be made his image was wildly inflated as part of a media campaign, and he had serious shortcomings as a strategist. We discuss how the single most important factor in Patton's career was a friendship with a next-door neighbor named Eisenhower who saved him from dismissal at least five times, how Patton's men posed as First Army soldiers to steal fuel convoys in a scheme that almost certainly got other Americans killed, and why four other American army commanders achieved comparable victories without any of the scandals and are completely forgotten today. Ellman argues that calling Patton a military genius does a disservice to every soldier who served under him and every general who performed as well or better without the drama, and that the traits the Patton legend celebrates, recklessness, insubordination, contempt for logistics, and mistreatment of troops, are exactly the ones the modern US military should be discouraging, not enshrining.
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Ramón Mercader expected to easily kill Leon Trotsky, silently and instantly. He had rehearsed the blow for months, practiced the angle, tailored a pocket into his raincoat to conceal the shortened ice axe. On August 20, 1940, he stood behind Trotsky -- who was the principle leader of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution in Russian but exiled by Stalin after losing a power struggle -- in the study of his fortified villa in Coyoacán, Mexico, raised the weapon, and shut his eyes as the blade fell. What followed was not silence but a scream so raw that it froze the room. Trotsky did not collapse. He rose from his chair, seized the assassin's wrist, bit down on his hand, and forced the weapon loose. Blood streaming down his face, he stumbled into the dining room and gave his final order: "He must not be killed. He must be made to talk." He died twenty-six hours later. Thirty years after that, on his own deathbed, Mercader told his wife: "Trotsky is waiting for me on the other side. And he is still screaming."
Today's guests are H. Keith Melton and Nigel West, authors of The Assassination of Leon Trotsky: Espionage, Scandal, and the Crime of the Century, the product of fifty years of investigation that took the authors to Moscow, into declassified Soviet intelligence files, and into the homes of the operatives' families. We discuss how Stalin's campaign against Trotsky was not a single plot but a global war of extermination that destroyed his entire family before it destroyed him, how a GPU mole named Sylvia Callen served as the personal secretary to the head of the American Trotskyist movement for nine years without detection, and how the first assassination attempt sprayed over three hundred rounds into Trotsky's bedroom and somehow failed to kill anyone. We look at how the assassin's convent-educated mother directed the backup plot that succeeded, why Ramón Mercader maintained his false identity inside a Mexican prison for a decade despite relentless interrogation, and how new medical evidence suggests Trotsky might have survived the attack if his doctors had operated differently. The authors argue that Trotsky's assassination was not a historical anomaly but a template for state-directed political murder that continues to echo from the Litvinenko poisoning to the Skripal attack today.
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